When I think informal gathering places, I vividly recall in my memory the multiple use of public spaces in the business district in Hong Kong.
Growing up in Hong Kong, I remember that whenever I had the occasion of passing through Central, the main business district, on Sunday, I would see groups of domestic helpers socializing outside public buildings or train stations, creating a “third place” for themselves. In Hong Kong, domestic helpers from the Philippines are required by law to have 12 consecutive hours off per week and since many may not be able to afford a full day of paid-entertainment with friends, they gather themselves in “third places” — generating entertainment for themselves through singing, eating, chatting and playing music.
The spaces that domestic helpers spend their 12-hour break is not normally used as a gathering spot — on weekdays, these areas are full of office workers who are walking to and from their office. There may be some benches that are occupied by the lunch crowd, but the setup in the district provides little to no intention of being used as a place for large groups to socialize. The area is full of professional service companies with offices in skyscrapers, government offices and big banks — it is an area meant for conducting business. You can think of it as Financial District in NYC, it is relatively quiet on the weekends and most locals would not consider FiDi to be a fun/cool place to hang out.
Few filipino helpers know Cantonese fluently, unlike other ethnic minorities such as Pakistanis and Indians who often speak Cantonese as well as the locals. Their unfamiliarity with the local language, combined with their transient status, makes it more difficult for them to assimilate with the locals than other minorities. As Hong Kong is only a temporary home for domestic helpers, many find comfort in meeting and spending time with others from their real home.
On Sundays, the atmosphere of the public space in Central is transformed. Laughter, song, and music replace serious conversations, and the space exhibits a sense of community and social interaction.
This is really interesting. It is an example of a third place that is culturally based and arguably not location-based. How many third places play by these rules? Are they third places when they are homogenous?
-Michael
This reminds me of immigrants in NYC (and, arguably, probably immigrants everywhere in the world). You know that park on Chrystie St, just north of Canal? It’s fun to see all the older Chinese people practicing tai chi, playing chess, or line dancing classes (line dancing? i don’t know what else to call it haaa). It makes sense that immigrants – and particular large groups of older immigrants – would find physical locations to congregate and to turn into third places when the rest of their geographical landscape is probably so foreign. In a way, Chinatowns, Koreatowns, Japantowns, and the like, are all, “third places” – but just on a much larger scale.
I can totally picture what you have described. Maybe because it is reminiscent of NYC Chinatown (as Rachel has mentioned). It does open up the question of whether it’s the people or the place that makes something a “third place”. There is no owner per se of the space as Oldenburg discussed, but it definitely sounds like a community that would welcome and be beneficial for newcomers and old-timers, navigating Hong Kong while enjoying one another’s company.